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OU N D A RY O F T E X AS 

sp^:ech 



HON. W. A.GORMAN. OF INDIANA, 

IN TBE, HOUSE OF REPRESEnI'aTIVES, FRIDAY, AUGUST 30, 1850, 
On the Texas Boundary Bill and Slavery agitation . 



The House having resumed the consideration of the Sen- 
ate bill respecting the boundary nf Texas, and of the amend- 
ments pending thereto, 

Mr. GORMAN said: 

Mr. Speaker: It is on account of the geograph- 
ical position I occupy as a Representative, in ref- 
erence to this question now before the House, as 
tnuch as for any other reason, that I desire to oc- 
cupy the attention of the House for a short time. 
I do so, sir, for the reason that I, In part, repre- 
sent the Northwest. The Representatives of that 
section of the Union have nearly with one mind, 
and one heart, devoted themselves, for the last 
€i^hroc4xine months, to settle, by some fair, just, 
aSd honorable means, the vexed questions arising 
out^of the slibject of African slavery, as it relates 
•to the new Territories acquired from Mexico 
under the late treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. I 
have, sir, since the commencement of this session 
of Congress, never let one day pass over, that I 
did not urge harmony and compromise as the best 
means of giving peace to the country, and perpe- 
tuity to the Union of these States. 

1 have been laboring, sir, for what 1 honestly 
believed to be for the welfare of my country. 
And, sir, if I know my own heart, I love my 
country better than I do any party, by whatever 
name it may be called. 

The considerations involved in this bill to settle 
the Texas boundary question, are pregnant with 
good or evil — with peace, or with probable civil 
war, between the General Government and one of 
the sister States. 

If prudent counsels prevail, all may yet be well. 
If compromise, concession, and patriotism pre- 
vail, all xoili be well. But if heated sectional strife 
be kept up; if crimination and recrimination is 
to be the order of the day; if a disposition to 
wideJo^the sectional breach, is to be nursed and 
faniwrinto a greater flame — then, indeed, "dis- 
cord will rqjgn triumphant." 

Sir, I am hap'f)y to congratulate jnj' honorable 
friend from New York, [Mr. Brooks,] upon his i 
noble self-sacrificing and patriotic speecli made on 
yesterday. It v/as the outpouring of patriotism, 
and was highly creditable to his liead and heart, i 
He frankly told the country, that he was no Ion- I 
ger for the Wilmot proviso — that he was a convert I 
to the doctrine of non-intervention. The honor- 
able gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Root] had intro- 
duced this old firebrand of discord, the Wilmot | 
proviso, and called for the yeas and nays; spying . 
that he did it " to smoke out (he d')ughf'aces." 

In the language of my friend from New York, ' 
[Mr. Brooh.s,] I am one, wh) is ready no.v, and i 
forever, " to face the music." I am one v/ho dare 
to stand by the Constitution and the Union, un* i 



awed by any vote that I may be called upon to 
give. I will, with the greatest cheerfulness, march 
up and "face the music," even under the com- 
mand of this " Free-Soil" Captain, [Mr. Root.] 
I am one wlio dare to do what I honestly believe 
to be right, on this or any other question that may 
come up for the action of this House. No threat 
shall awe, oc, power deter me, from standing by 
the Constituripp as-il; is. 

The bill;«tf:*;„1«ii^J*^if^ proposes to 

the State of Texas,* that if she will reduce her 
boundaries to the line prescribed therein, that in 
consideration thereof this Government will pay, 
or cause to be paid to her, the sum of ten million 
dollars. And, Mr. Speaker, I am one who has al- 
ways believed, that since the war with Mexico, and 
since the treaty of peace, whatever doubt there was 
as to the validity of the Texan title to all the ter- 
ritory east of the Rio Grande, it has been con- 
firmed by the act of our Government; that this 
Government has, by and through every department 
except the Supreme Court, either directly or indi- 
rectly, acknov;ledged the title in Texas good, to 
all intents and purposes. I did not intend when I 
commenced these remarks to take the time of the 
House, in tracing the evidences of title in Texas. 
But I will briefly review the course of events, to 
show, that whatever we may have thought of her 
title before the war, that since, it is not in our pow- 
er to gainsay its validity. 

The history of the annexation is briefly this; 
Texas jfirst m.ade a proposition to be admitted into 
the Union, but before any material action was had 
thereon, her application was formally withdrawn. 
The next movement for annexation was made by 
the United States; and the resolutions of annexa- 
tion were in fact an offer on our part to Texas; 
and, in the language of my friend from Kentucky, 
[Colonel Marshall,] " the United States courted 
Texas, as an ardent lover woos his mistress." 
Mr. Buchanan, the 28th September, 1845, says to 
Mr. Donelson : 

" Under these circumstances, I need scarcely urge you to 
press for immediate action. The executive government of 
Texas ought to 6c appealel to in the sirongest terms for a 
prompt decision. Delay may remit in defeat; and yet [ can 
feel but little apprehension that the sovereign people of 
Texas — the conquerors of San Jacinto — who have breathed 
the air and lisptil the accents of liherly from their infancy, 
tvill consenl to forever abandon their free, their native land, 
and sink to the level of fkjiettdents on the moruirchy of Great 
Britain." 

Again ; on the 3Ist March, If 
Secretary of State is addressed l/l 
our Minister, as follows ; 

" U has been tliou.'ht be>t ty the President of the United 
Stales (o rcstthK tiMf'.-lion on ihe j'lint reoulu ion as itraine 
from.Jhe H'liise m R^presn-nialivo, wh ih covt<iin<. propor- 
tions coinyleleaud ainyle, « an overture to 3Va(u,<inu which, 






ihe Texan 
. Donelson, 



73868 






if adoptr^d by ber^ places the reunion of the two countries 
beyond tbe possibility of defeat." \ 

It will, then, be seen, that the question of Texan I 
boundary begins to be talked of. In Mr. Ponel- j 
son's letter of June 4, 1845, he says: 

" ! look upon war as incviiable— a war dictated by the 
Brititih minlstLT hen? for llie purpose of defi aitng annexa- 
tion, aid intended, at altevrnts, to deprive lioih Texas and 
the Unil<?d Slates of all claim to the country heiwetn tlie 
Nueces and the Rio Grnndt ; ai (he lime ilie right o( Texas 
to the protection of ilie United Slates arists under the con- ' 
tinpeney unticifiated bv you at llit dale of your last dis- i 
patch." 

The above, and all the following correspondence , 
will show, that both Texas and the United States j 
looked to the Rio Grande as the boundary. In | 
Mr. Donelson's dispatch of June 2, 1845, he: 
says: | 

" I adverted in my last dispatch to the presence of Com- ' 
aiodore Stockton'-! h-quadroii here, and to a rumor that he 
had sailed lo Brazos Santiago lo cnOperate with General I 
Sherman, of the Texan militia, in defending the occupation 
of IKe Rio Grande," &c. 

Mr. Donelson, in his dispatch of same date to 
Mr. Buchanan, says : 

"This Government left for treaty arrangement llie bound- ' 
ary quebtinn in the pro|>osition6 for a licaiy ol' definiiive 
peace. • » • It appeared tome wiser to look for some ad- ' 
vantage from the asisalling inov<inenl threatened by Mexico, 
than to risk the pa.-'Mipeof such a law as Confess were dis- 
posed to piiss, over the veto of the Presiderd, putting llie | 
Texas force under the cumiiiaiid of the Major General, the : 
effect of wliicli would have bet n the jinniediate expulsion j 
of all Mexican snldlerrs Couiid on llie east hank of the Rio ' 
Grande. If by such law ihe whole of the Texan claim, I 
in respect to limits, could have been taken out of dispute, | 
its pa-'sage would have hern in.'-i^led upon; bxU us there 1 
would kaie remained all the Santi Fi region, it occurs to me ' 
well enough thai the subject is lefi open." I 

But these authorities do not stop here. Our ' 
minister writes to Mr. Buchanan, under the same 
date, making a solemn pledge to Texas that our 
Government would maintain the Texan claim to 
the Rio Grande in good faith, as follows: 

" But whilst from such view.s I encouraged no ug^essive 
movements on the pan of Texas to take forcible possession , 
of the Rio Grande, /Aare, nevertheless, oniiltcd no oppor- ! 
tuiiity of .^a.isfyiiig all parlies here, that the United States , 
would, in good faith, maintain the claim, and thatl had every 
reas<.in to believe they would do so successfully." 

Again: Mr. Buchanan writes to Mr. Slidell, | 
Commissioner to Mexico, as follows: ' 

" A gr<;al portion of New Mexico being on this side of the \ 
Kio Grande, and included within the limits already claimed 
by Texas, ji may hereafter, should ll remain a Mexican 
province, lieoome a j-ubji-ct of dispute," Stc. 

To follow this subject still further, 1 now pro- 
ceed to give the language of Mr. Polk, in his me?- : 
sage of May 11, 1846, in which he says: 

" .Meanwhile Texas, by the final action of our Congress, 
nad become an integial part of our Union. The Congress 
of Texas, by its act of Di eembcr 19, l&i6, had d. dared the 
Rio del Norte lo lie llie buiiodary of thai Republic. Its ju- 
ri'diclioii had been extended and exercisiil beyond the Nue- 
ces. Till? country between that river and the Del Norle had 
been repre.-ented in the Congress and convention of Texas, | 
had taken pari in tlNe act of annexaliun use li, and is now 
included in one of ottr congressional districts. Our own 
Congress had, with great uiiaiiiinity, by the act npproveil ' 
December 31, 184,'), recognized Ihe countr)- beyond the Nue- I 
ees a.s uarlol our territory, by including it wiiliin our reve- ' 
nue system ; and a r< venue otlieer, to reside within that i 
district, has been appoinliMl by and with the advice and con- | 
sent of the Senate. It became^liereror*-, of urgent neci-s- 
sity to piovide for ihe rk-ienee ol Uiis portion of our country. 
Accordingly, on tli^- 13tli nl January fast, instructions were 
issued to il»e general in coininand lo occuiiy ihe left bank 
of the Del Norte. This river— iiAirA it the southwestern 
boundurti oj the Stale of Teaas — is nn exposed frontier." 

Again: Mr, Polk on ilie same day, in reference 
lo the uttack of ihe Mexican army upon the com- 
mand of Captain Thornton, says: 

•' But now, after reib ran-d menaces, Mexico has pa.'^aed 



the boundary of the United States, has invaded ourterriiory, 
and 6hed American blood upon American soil. She has 
proclaimed that bosliliiies have conimeneed, and that the 
two nations are al war." 

This may be said to be the mere declaration of 
the head of the Government. But upon the same 
day the Congress of the United States declared 
that war existed by the act of Mexico, in sending 
her army across the Ri<i Grande, and shedding 
American blood upon American soil, by a vote of 
174 to 14. J I must also be steadily borne in mind 
that the Texan Congress, in 1836, deciartd the 
Rio Grande to be the boundary, from its mouth to 
its source. 

Again: Mr. Polk, in his message, holds the fol- 
lowing language in regard to the title of Texas to 
the whole of the country east of the Rio Grande: 

"Nothing, thtrefore, can be more certain than that this 
temporary government, resulting from necessity, can never 
injnriously alfect the right which llie I'resident believes to 
be justly asserted by Texas to llie whole terrilur)- on this 
bide of the Rio Grande, whenever llie Mrxican claim to ii 
shall have been extinguished by treaty. Bui this is aruhject 
which more properly belongs to the legi^lalive than ihe ex- 
ecutive branch of the Government. The resuli ol ihe whole 
is, iJiat Texas had asserted a riphl lo thai part of New Mex- 
ico east of the Rio Grande, which is believed, under the 
acts of Congress for tlie annexation and admission of Texas 
into tile Union as a State, and under the consiitulion and 
laws of Texas, lo be well founded ; but this right had never 
been reduced lo her actual possession and occupancy. The 
General Government, possessing exclusively the war-making 
power, had the right to take military pos-ession of this dis- 
puted territory, and, until the title to it was perfected by a 
treaty of peace, it was their duty to hold it, arid to establisb 
a temporary military government over it, for the preserva- 
tion of the conquest itself, the salety of our army, and tJie 
security of tlie conquered inhabilanls." 

I will now show what was the opinion of the 
Mexican commissioners, even after the treaty was 
made. These coinmissioners, in a communication 
which they made to their Government, and which 
was published all over Mexico, declare that: 

" The intention of making the Bravo a limit, has been 
announced by the clearest signs for Uie last twelve years; 
and it would have lieen impossible, al the present day, to 
change it. .*/?er the defeat of .Sun Jacinto, in ^jiril, J836, 
that was the territory which wc sliyulatcd to evacuate, and 
which we vccordin^ly did evacuate, ly falling liack on Mata- 
moras. In this place was afterward stationed what was 
called the Army of the North ; and though it is true thai 
expeditions and incursions have been made there, even as 
far as Bexar, we have very soon retreated, leaving the in 
termediate space absolutely li'ee. In this state Gen. Taylor 
found it when, in the early pan of last year, he entered there 
by order of his (jovernment." 

By these extracts it is made manifest to my mind 
that our Government intended to pledge herself to 
maintain the title in Texas to the whole country 
east of the Rio Grande. It is also manitest that 
our Government intended, that whatevxr advan- 
tages, or whatever title wits procured byThe war, 
and through a treaty of peace, thui.Texas should 
have the benefit of it. In other words, Texas was 
the principal and the United States Government 
was the agtni, and the United States being the only 
W)ir-niaking power and the only treaty-making 
power, unilertook to [lerfect the Texan title. By 
war and a treaty of peace this was done, and now 
we are estopped from denying the title of Texas; 
and especially are we estopped from claiming title 
ourselves. 

But the evidence <>( the validity of the Texan 

title does not stop here. The resolutions passed 

by the Congress of the United States annexing or 

. proposing to annex Texas to this Government and 

1 to admit her into this Union on an equal footing 

with the original Statts, clearly shows that it wa.s 

j the opinion of this Government that Texas did 

own some territory norlli ofSG^ 30' north latitude. 



«J> 



or they certainly would not have put in a clause 
excluding slavery from all of her territory north of 
that line. But the resolutions speak for them- 
selves, and the language employed is so plain and 
comprehensive, that they cannot and will not be 
misunderstood by fair men who are not chained 
down to a different opinion by party bonds, or so 
crazed with fanaticism that they cannot see, or 
will not understand. 

This proposition was made by the United States 
to Texas in good faith. It was accepted by Texas 
in the same spirit, ft was a solemn agreement, 
that Texas might, when she had sufficient popula- 
tion, form four more States out of her territory, 
which we solemnly agreed might be admitted into 
the Union, with or without slavery, if they should 
lie south of 36° 30' north latitude. But any State 
that should propose to be admitted into the Union, 
lying north of 36° 30' north latitude, it was sol- 
emnly agreed should be a free State or States, and 
slavery or involuntary servitude was prohibited 
therein except for crime. But here are the annex- 
ation resolutions: 

" Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of 
the United States of Jlmerica in Oon^rcsi assembled, Tliat 
Congress doth consent that the territory properly included 
within, and riglitfully belonging to, the Republic of Texas, 
may be erected into a new State, to be called the State of 
Texas, with a republican form of government, to be adopted 
by the people of said Republic, by deputies in convention 
assembled, with the consent of the existing government, in 
order that the same may be admitted as one of the Stales of 
this Union. 

"2. ^nd be it further resolved, That the foregoing consent 
of Congress is given upon the following conditions, and 
with the following guarantees, to wit : First, said State to be 
formed subject to the adjustment by this Government of all 
questions of boundary that may arise with other govern- 
ments ; and the constitution thereof, witti the proper evi- 
dence of its adoption by the people of said Republic of 
Texas, shall be transmitted to the President of the United 
States, to be laid before Congress for its final action, on or 
before the first day of January, one thousand eight hundred 
and forty-six. Second: said State, when admitted into the 
Union, after ceding to the United States all public edifices, 
fortifications, barracks, ports and harbors, navy and navy- 
yards, docks, magazines, arms, armaments, and all other 
property and means pertaining to the public defence, elong- 
ing to said Republic of Texas, shall retain all the public 
funds, debts, taxes, and dues of every kind, which may be- 
long to, or be due and owing said Republic ; and shall also 
retain all the vacant and unappropriated lands lying within 
its limits, to be applied to the payment of the debts and lia- 
bilities of said Republic of Texas; and the residue of said 
lands, after discharging said debts and liabilities, to be dis- 
[>osed of as said .State may direct ; but in no event are said 
debts and liabilities to become a charge upon the Govern- 
ment of the United States. Third : new States of conve- 
nient size, not exceeding four in number, in addition to said 
State of Texas, and having sufficient population, may, here- 
after, by the consent of said State, be formed out of the ter- 
ritory thereof, wliich shall be entitled to admission under the 
provisions of the Federal Constitution. .And such States as 
may be formed out of that portion of said territory lying south 
of 36" 30' north latitude, commonly known as the Missouri 
compromise line, shall, be admitted into the Union wither 
without slavery, as the people of each State asking admis- 
sion may desire. And in such Stale or States as shall be 
formed out of said territory north of said Missouri compro- 
mise line, slavery or involuntary servitude (except for crime) 
shall be prohibited." 

Now, sir, if Congress did not understand that 
they were to secure Texas a good title to some ter- 
ritory north of 36° 30' north latitude, they could 
not have understood the force and meaning of the 
language used by them. It is plain, and admits of 
no rational doubt. 

It will also be seen by reference to the map which 
accompanied the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, 
that the line between New Mexico and Texas is 
distinctly laid down as being the Rio Grande, from 
its mouth to its source; and by reference, the map '] 
is made a part thereof. This map is now to be n 



I seen in the archives of the Senate; and if it provea 
] nothing more on this point, it proves what the 
\ Commissioners intended should be the line, or 
i what they supposed it really was before tlie war. 
j And as this map is referred to, and sent with the 
! treaty to the Senate, it has acquired an official 
j character, which furnishes another link in the 
I chain of Texan title. 

I Again, sir: our country went to war with Mex- 
ico because she crossed the Rio Grande and shed 
j American blood on American soil, as we declared, 
j and when the territory between the Nueces and 
Rio Grande was as much in dispute as the Upper 
Rio Grande. 

Therefore I say, that whether Texas had a com- 
plete title before the war with Mexico to the 
Upper Rio Grande or not, the acts of our Govern- 
ment through each of the coordinate branches, 
except the Supreme Court, have confirmed and 
completed it, and we are now precluded from deny- 
ing it. It is now too late to set up title in our- 
selves. It is too late to oust Texas. It is too late 
to retrace our steps. And it would be an act of 
bad faith to Texas. It would be violating our 
solemnly pledged faith. It would be taking ad- 
vantage of our own acts. It would be violating 
the compact of annexation; for if Texas owns 
one foot of territory north of 36° 30' north lati- 
tude, it includes every inch of soil around, and 
above, and below " Santa Fe." If we have con- 
fessed upon the record that Texas owns enough to 
make a State north of 36° 30' north latitude, it 
includes nearly every white settlement on the east 
bank of the Rio Grande. 

It must be steadily borne in mind, that this Gov- 
ernment went to war with Mexico, in part, on ac- 
count of the annexation of Texas. It must be 
remembered that we annexed Texas as she was. 
We took her for " better, or for worse." We took 
her with her act of Congress upon the record, de- 
claring the Rio Grande from its mouth to ita 
source as her true boundary. We took her, be- 
lieving she had the right to declare such boundary, 
and believing she had the power, means, and 
courage to maintain it as she had declared it to be. 
We solemnly promised that we would settle all 
questions of boundary for her. We did settle 
those boundaries. We did secure her title; and 
now it is too late for us to turn round and threaten 
Texas with the army and navy, if she attempts to 
maintain her rights ! 

But sir, I do not desire to complain of President 
Fillmore. I do not think it important to inquire 
into the abstract question whether Mr. Fillmore 
has a constitutional right to use force against Texas. 
I conceive that, in the present crisis, this abstract 
question of power need not be discussed. The 
thing to belooked to, is the alarmingstate of things 
now pending between Texas and the United States. 
It is known officially, that the Governor of Texas 
has convened the Legislature to take steps for 
raising troops and defending her rights, or what 
she conceives to be her just rights. And at this hour 
the troops of Texas and the troops of the United 
State.s are preparing for a conflict — the President 
to hold possession, and Texas to extend her laws 
and civil jurisdiction over her soil. And the ques- 
tion is presented to you, what is to be done ? War 
or peace is the question. Not a war with a foreign 
foe, but with one of your weakest but gallant, 
faithful, and patriotic children ! No national in- 
sult has been given; no pressing of your seamen 
or searching of your public vessels; no invasion of 



yoar soil with a hostile army, no capturing your 
public vessels on the high seas. No, sir. Bui a 
gallant State of this Union — one who has shed the 
Blood of her sons on your battle-fields, one who 
bore your flag to the mouth of your enemy's can- 
non, one who has watered the very soil now in 
dispute with her best blood, — it is she that the 
conflict is to be with. It is she that asks you to 
settle this question. It is your Chief Magistrate 
also that calls on you to save the country from the 
impending collision of arms. 

The President of the United States has sent you 
a message, in which he earnestly asks you to 
settle all these elements of discord among brothers 
of a common blood and of a common country. Sir, 
1 thank President Fillmore for this message ot 
peace, and for his highly patriotic recommenda- 
tion of harmony and settlement. It was dictated, 
I have no doubt, by a patriotic heart and in a pa- 
triotic spirit. I honor him for his boldness, in 
daring to do what is right, in defiance of faction, 
and in defiance of a band of reckless and mischiev- 
ous abolitionists and disunionists. But, sir, I 
might do him injustice if I did not give his own 
words. He says: 

" The Legislature ot Texas has been called together by 
the Governor, for tlie purpose, aa is understood, ormaintain- 
lOg her claim to the territory east of the Rio Grande, and of 
establishing over it her own jurisdiction and her own laws, 
by force. 

"These proceedings of Texa.s may well arrest the atten- 
tion of all branches of the Government of the United States, 
and I rejoice that they occur while the Congress i.s yet in 
session. It i:*, I fear, far from bting impof^sible tliat, in con- 
sequence of these proceedings of Teiai?, a crisis may be 
brought on which shall summon Uie two Houses of Con- 
gress— and sull more emphatically the Executive Govern- 
ment—to an immediate readiness for the performance of 
Oieir re^pccUve duties. 

" It is exceedingly desirable that no occasion .should arise 
tor the exercise of the iwwers thus vested in llie President 
by the Constitution and the laws. With whatever mildness 
those powers might be executed, or however clear the case 
of necessity, yet consequences might nevertlit less follow, 
of which no human sajjacity can foresee either the evils or 
the end. 

" Huving thus laid before Congress the communication of 
his Excellency tlie Governor ol' Texas, and the answer 
thereto, and having made such observations as J have 
thought the occasion called f(ir respecting constitutional 
obligaiifins which may arise, in the further progress of 
thing-, and may devolve on ine to he performed, I hope I 
shall not be regarded as stepping asidr from the line of mv 
auty, notwithstanding that I am aware that the subject is 
now before both Houses, if I express my deep and earnest 
conviction of the importance of an immediate decision, or 
arrangement, or settlement of the question of bound.iry b- 
tween Texas and the 'J'erritory of New .Mexico. All con 
Hideralions of jusuce, general expediency, and domestic 
iranquilliiy call tor this. It seems to be, in it- charaaer and 
by position, the first, or one of the first, of the <iuestions 
growing out of the acquisition of California and New Mex- 
ico, and now requiring decision. 

" No government can be estnlilished for New .Mexico, 
tiUier Stiile or Territorial, until It shall be first ascertained 
what New Mexico is, and what are her limits and bouiid- 
iu-ies. These cannot be fixed or known, till the line of di- 
vision between her and Texas shall be ascertaiiird and es- 
tabliBhed— and numeious and weighty reasons conspire, in 
my judgment, to show that this divisional line should be 
established by Congress, with the asseiitof tlieUovonini( iit 
of Texas. In the first place, this seems by far the most 
prompt mode of proceeding, by which the end can be ac- 
complished. II judicial proceedings were resorted to, such 
proceedings would necessarily be slow, and years would 
pass by, in all proli^ilirhty. hefore the controversv could he 
ended. Bo gnat a d.lay, in this ca-e, Is to b. avoided if 
pORSible. Such delay would be every way iiiconve ii-nl, 
and miiihl be tlie occH.:ion of disturbances and collisions. 
F(ir the sinni reason, i wuuld, wiih the utiiinst deference to 
tlic wiFdom of Congress, expre.-- a doubt oi' the expediency 
of the appointment of coniini'sioiien', and of an exninina 
tion, estimate, niul an award of indemnity to be inade by 
tiiem. Till* would b* but a spt-ii^- .ii r',i„i'^i„\^. w hic't 
might last a" lonpni-- a 'uit a: Ir.v 



•I " So far as I am able to comprehend the cate, the general 

l| facu are now all known, and Congress is as capable of de- 

1 ciding on it, justly and properly now, as it protwbly would 

' be after till! report of tlie commissioners. If the riaim of 

title on the part of Texas appears to Conarcss to be well 

! founded, in whole or in part, it is in the comp'-tency of 'Jon- 

: gress to offer her an indemnity for the surrender of thai 
claim. Ill a case like this, surrounded aj it is, liy many co- 
gent considerations, all calling lor amicable ailjur-linent and 

I iiiimediate settlement, the Government of the United Slates 
would be justified, in my opinion. In allowing an iiideniDity 
to Texas, not unrea-ssnable and extravagant, but fair, liberal, 

i and awarded in a justspiiit of accommodation. 

" I think no event would be li.iiled with more gratification 

, by the people of the United States, than the amicable ad- 
justment of questions of ditficulty, which have now, for a 
long time, agitated the country, and occupied, to the ex- 

, clu-ion of other subjects, the time and aUention o( Congress. 
" Having thus freely coniinunicaled the results of my own 
reflection, on the most advisable mode of adjustiiig the 
boundary question, I shall, nevcrtlwless, chet-rfully ac- 
quiesce in any other mode which the wisdom of Congress 
may devise. 

'•' ,\nd, in conclusion, I repeat my conviction, that every 
consideration of the public interest, manifests the necessity 
of a provision by Congress for the settlement of this bound- 
ary question, before the present session be brought to a 
close. The settlement of other ciuesiions, connected with 
the same subject, within the same period, is greatly to be 
desired ; but the adjustment of this appears, to me, to be in 
tlie highest degree important. In the train of such an ad- 
justment, we may well hope that there will follow a return 
of harmony and good will, an increased attachment to the 
Union, and the general satisfaction of the country. 

'•MILL.\RD FILLMORE. 
" Washinuton, .4iifust 6, 1850." 
The recommendations contained in this part of 
PresWent Fillmore's Message, I most cordially 
approve. It is known, sir, that I differ as wide as 
the poles with him upon almost all the other great 
questions, heretofore in issue between the two 
great parties of the Union. But the peace of the 
country, the good will between all sections of that 
country, the Constitution and the Union of the 

1 States, with me, sir, are above all party and above 
all personal considerations. 

I therefore shall give my aid to carry out his 
recommendations for peace and concord. But, 
sir, what do I see on the Whig side of the House ? 
Among that portion of them who follow the lead 
of a distinguished Senator from New York, who 
says that there is a higher law than the Consti- 
tution, which, when it comes in conflict with tha: 

, instrument, must prevail over it, — sir, 1 hear tha: 
higher law party say they will not compromise; 

, they Will not give one inch of what they believe 
to be free soil to be made slave soil; that Texas 
has no good title to this Territory; and that they 
will not vote a dollar to purchase peace ot to settle 
this question, unless they get the boundary line 
fixed exactly to suit them. 

Mr. Speaker, it is becoming more and more 
evident every day that ihese ultra men. North and 
South, are widening the breach and weakening the 
bonds of this Union. Abolition FreeSoilers say 
to us, There is no danger, no danger, no danger. 
This was the song of the members of that grea; 
and respectable body of christians composing the 
Methotiist Episcopal Church of the United States. 
They said day after day. month after month, and 
year after year, that there was no danger, no 
danger, no danger. Their aflfection for their reli- 
gion was too strong; that they had too much at 
slake; they would not venture upon so rash an 

; net. The evil that kept up this feeling in this 
great church, was the itlentical subject of slavery, 

I which now calls forth the re.^ponse of " No dan- 

!l ger, no danger," from the Free-Soil Aliolitionisie. 

'I They cry "N',1 danger" with a fiendish defiance. 
But, sir, the evil day did come; and that great 

' church, that wup bound togeihcr by ten ihou- 



sand cords of love, was rentassunder; those cords 
of love were snapped, and now they are twain. 
They, sir, were bound together by hooks of steel, 
but they kept open this sectional agitation of sla- 
very . They kept up this same spirit of crimination 
and recrimination, and talked and preached about 
the evils of slavery, an evil that the Constitution 
of the United States had expressly recognized as 
an existing institution in the southern States, and 
left exclusively to the control of these States, and 
one which no act of the Church or State could 
eradicate, if they had been ever so much disposed 
to do so. Yet agitation went on ; and still the cry 
was, " There is no danger, no danger." Then I 
ask, in the name of patriotism, what great na- 
tional good can come of this interminable excite- 
ment and agitation, about an evil that we cannot 
eradicate without violating the Constitution, and 
uprooting the very foundations of society and the 
very Government itself? 

But, sir, what more do I hear from this " higher 
law" party.' Why, sir, the honorable gentleman 
from Pennsylvania, [Mr. Stevens,] in reply to 
the honorable gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. 
AsHMUN,] (who had just before addressed the 
House in the most conservative and patriotic spirit 
on this subject,) — in speaking of the Texas bound- 
ary bill, he says: ♦' Pay ten millions of dollars ! 
' For what.' To buy peace from armed rebels ! 
' This evidence would certainly, prima facie, war- 
' rant the conclusion that the North were cowards. 
' But you must perceive that to be impossible, 
' when you remember that they are the descendants 
' of the men of Bunker's Hill, of Lexington, 
' of Bennington, of Saratoga, and of Brandy- 
wine." 

The bitter irony intended by this extract has to 
be seen, in the manner, before it can be properly 
appreciated. To call northern men cowards, be- 
cause they will not rush headlong into a constant 
crusade against their brethren of the South, is a 
most happy illustration of the wild, impudent, and 
arrogant fanatical spirit of Abolition disunionists. 
Sir, I confess I am too great a coward to fan the 
flame of discord and civil war among my own 
countrymen, when I see the wild, reckless, fanati- 
cal incendiary rushing recklessly over a magazine 
of powder, with a lighted torch in his hand. I 
confess 1 am too great a coward to stand by and 
not rebuke the act. When war shall come, I shall 
be found, I hope; on the side of my country. And 
wherever the flag of the Union is, there I desire to 
be. I want the American flag above my head and 
that of an enemy in front. I do not want to meet 
my brethren, my countrymen, my friends, dis- 
playing the same stars and stripes. But I fear if 
our folly should plunge us into civil war, that 
about the firing of the first gun, these peculiar 
friends of freedom tcouW be chartering a ship to go 
la some Peace Congress or Convention in Germany ! 

When, sir, our country is in danger from a for- 
eign foe, then will be the time to test the men of 
true courage. It is the coward who, in the hour 
of political trial, fears to take political responsi- 
bility. If he is then seen to " tremble, and turn 
pale, and supplicate," for fear his constituents will 
not appreciate his patriotism, or understand his 
honest motives for the public welfare, that is the 
picture of the real coward and political time-server. 
It is to my mind no evidence of true courage to 
hear honorable men say they will never yield one 
inch, they will not compromise; their minds are 
fixed , and unchangeable as the laws of the Medee 



and Persians. Sir, this is not my notion of true 
patriotism or of true courage. 

But, sir, the honorable gentleman from New 
York [Mr. Clarke] attacks the recommendation 
of his own President — the man he helped to put 
into the second office within the gift of the Amer- 
ican people, and from his own State, and who, by 
the act of Providence, is now President. He says, 
to vote this money out of the Treasury to Texas, 
would be " plunder," " robbery," " would be 
robbing the Treasury," " plundering the Treas- 
ury." The gentleman belongs, I understand, to 
that higher-law party in New York, who spare no 
pains to embarrass President Fillmore. They seek 
to place him in a dilemma on this Texas boundary 
question, hoping to destroy him. 

Sir, the President asks his political friends and 
supporters to stand by him, and settle these per- 
plexing questions of territory and slavery. He 



" I think no event would be hailed with more gratitica- 
tion bv the people of the United States, than the amicable 
adjustment of questions of difficulty, which have now for a 
long time agitated the country." 

He strongly urges that this Texas boundary 
bill be settled quickly, and urges the " payment 
to Texas of a reasonable indemnity." 

But, sir, this question could be settled but for 
the influence of the higher-law party of New York. 
If that State would show herself united, and suffi- 
ciently above the influence of mere political game- 
sters, this whole question could, and would, be 
settled in one week. 

But, sir, on the other hand, we have men in the 
South who hold the same language on the same 
subject, only at the other extreme. They say 
they will not give up one foot of slave soil to make 
free soil. They say Texas owns every foot of 
territory this side of the Rio Grande, and that 
they will not give up one foot. They refuse to 
cooperate with any compromise unless they get 
what they say is their right. These men vote on 
a call of the yeas and nays or by tellers, on these 
questions of adju.«!tment, with the other extreme 
men of the North— each holding precisely oppo- 
site opinions and principles. This was explained 
by the honorable gentleman from Mississippi, [Mr. 
Brown,] in the same way I have stated, and that 
is the true reason of this strange association of 
antagonistic principles to the same end. One of 
these iTien of the North will say, "he very 
much admires these ultra southern men — we know 
where to find them — they stand up for their sec- 
tion.'^ Turn to the other side, and these southern 

ultras say, I like such men as — ■ ; they are out 

and out Free-soil Abolitionists. We know where 
to find them — they stand up for their section. The 
northern extremist expresses great contempt for 
northern " doughfaces," who take moderate con- 
servative ground. The southern extremist ex- 
presses his utter contempt for any southern dough- 
face, who may not go the whole length, with the 
spirit of resistance to the constituted authorities of 
the Union, in certain cases. It must be remem- 
bered at the same time, that these two extremes 
are, of course, both just exactly right; both are do- 
ing just the proper and right thing. Tell eitiftr 
of them jthat they ask too much, and they will 
tell you that you are a doughface. Sir, 1 am 
proud of the association in wiiich I am placed. I 
rejoice that I can say, that " 1 know no iN'orth, no 
South — nothing ?but the Union." 1 act with men 
who engender no sectional jealousies, who stir up 



no disunion discord, who sympathize with noeec- 
tionnl parties on national issues. Should you, sir, 
have the timidity to hint that the union of these 
States was in danger by the continuance of this 
sectional strife, one of these peculiar friends of free- 
dom will tell you there is " no danger, no danger — 
the South dare not strike the blow." On iheother 
hand, if you propo.se to some of the par txcellence 
friends of southern rights and interests, to yield their ' 
ultimatum of 36° 30' as a line to divide the free from 
the slave States, for some other more practicable 
plan, you are told indignantly, that you are 
no better than the Abolitionists — that you propose 
to accomplish the same object, but by more indi- 
rect means. This, Mr. Speaker, is the true pic- 
ture of these extremists of this Congress, North 
and South. i 

Mr. Speaker, I call upon the Union men of this 
House to march up and meet these questions in a ' 
spirit of compromise and conciliation. Sir, I hope i 
it will be settled — we shall have no peace until it is ' 
adjusted. These brave men, who hold such high- ' 
sounding words of courage and defiance, will soon , 
have to meet their constituents: in their hands I [ 
leave them. For myself, in the language of a Sen- | 
ator from Massachusetts, I want this vexed bound- 
ary line settled, and marked; and I prefer to see it 
marked with silver, rather than with blood — in , 
yellow lines, rather than in red lines. Sir, I look 
around me and 1 find among my own political I 
friends from the South, in whose gallantry and 
honorable bearing I feel a just pride, and whose 
courtesy and kindness I have always shared, stand- 
ing on high, patriotic, constitutional ground, yet i 
they, sir, are becoming willing listeners to the 
word Disunion. 

Mr. Speaker, the difficulty which seems to be in 
the way of this settlement is to be found, to some 
extent, in the boundaries proposed in this bill. 
Some of the northern men say they will vote for . 
it, if the line is brought to the Paso. If this was 
done no doubt a few more votes could be obtained 
for the bill. Bui, on the other hand, the moment 
such an amendment was adopted, it would lose 
three times as many southern votes. Therefore, " 
in my view, this change cannot be made. If you ; 
make the Rio Grande the boundary from its mouth '' 
to its source, as some of the southern men pro- 
pose, it is known it would lose, in all probability, 
every northern Whig vote. If you divide the 
territory by the line of 36° 30' north latitude, and 
run that line to the Rio Grande, Texas, in all prob- , 
ability, would not accept, and thus it will be seen ^ 
that we are surrounded by difficulties on every 
side. Therefore, in reviewing the whole ground, it ' 
seems to be safest to take the bill as it is. It does ' 
not please all, nor can it be made to please all. It 
is a compromise. It does not suit the South en- 
tirely. It does not suit the North entirely. It , 
was not expected that it would suit all. The ultra ' 
men of the South can never expect that slavery 
can go north of 36° 30' north latitude, for slavery ■. 
has been excluded by the resolution of annexation . 
north of that line. It is in this view of the case, , 
clear, that the only point in dispute in which the j 
slavery question is involved, is that portion of; 
cojhtry lying between 36° 30' north latitude, and ' 
what IB equal to about 33° 30" north liilitudc. This , 
portion of the country is almost entirely occupied 
by wild beasts and savage Indians. Nr> white 
man has scarcely ever made his foot-prints upon •' 
it, except on the borders of the Rio Grande. What j! 
internal resources does it poapess, either to the 'I 



agriculturist or to the Government, that should 
give it so much importance in the eyes of the Rep- 
resentatives in the American Congress' 

Mr. Speaker, I have no sympathy with that 
ij southern chivalry, or with that courage or patriot- 
' ism, that is so self-willed, so determined, that it will 
I not yield an inch if even civil war should be the con- 
I sequence. I frankly say to northern and southern 
I gentlemen, that I would rather see African slavery 
, stretched the full length and breadth of New Mex- 
ico, than to see a ciyil war exist but for a day in 
this my beloved country. A t'riend near me [Mr. 
Durkee] says that there would then be a continued 
civil war between master and servant. In such 
a war I would appoint him commander of the Af- 
rican battalions. But, I want to ask my souch- 
! em friends where has their spirit of patriotism 
I gone? What do they mean by their ultra courser 
! Do they believe that Texas will maintain her po- 
; sition to the last extremity? Do they believe that 
I Texas will fail to defend her limits and her bound- 
I ary? No, sir; they firmly believe that Texai? 
will maintain her rights to the last. They firmly 
' believe that the first Federal gun that is fired at 
: Texan troops, would rouse up the indignant spirit 
I of the whole South. They firmly believe that 
fifty thousand southern soldiers would be under 
arms, and marching to support Texas, in less thatj 
three months. Do they seek the consummation 
of ao dreadful a calamity? Do they seek to see a 
I desolating civil war in which every gun that was 
' fired, would be a funeral note over the destruction 
of this great Republic? And, I have no hesitation 
I in saying now to this House, that every vote that 
I is cast against this bill, is a vote, indirectly, for 
civil war. For, sir, Texas has to back out from 
her position, solemnly taken, or the United States, 
or the President, has to back out, unless this bill, 
or some other such, can be passed this session. 
If not, a collision must inevitably follow. I 
know something of the gallantry and courage of 
Texan men and Texan soldiers. I know some- 
thing of their blood. I know that where the dark- 
est and the thickest and the bloodiest of the fight 
rages, there Texans have always been found. It 
must be remembered that Ohio and Michigan once 
had a disputed boundary question. Both States 
marched their militia to the border, determined to 
shed their blood, or maintain their supposed bound- 
ary. That was finally compromised. Missouri 
and Iowa once had a disputeo question of bounda- 
ry. The militia of their respective States was 
called into service to support their officers and 
maintain their jurisdiction. This question waa 
finally settled, I believe, by the Supreme Court. 
Each of these States did precisely what Texas 
now proposes to do. If 1 were to-day a Texan, 
with my present convictions in the justice of her 
cause, though I would not encourage violence, I 
would beg my Government to settle the question. 
I would ask them to submit it to the Supreme 
Court of the United States. I would ask them to 
submit it to the arbitration of commissioners. I 
would ask them to acknowledge the boundaries 
that we claimed, or I would ask them to indemnify 
me for the relinquishment of my claim to the terri- 
tory. If all these failed, if northern fanatics and 
.■southern extremists defeated the accomplish- 
ment of all these plans of adjustment, I would, 
as the last resort, "stand by my arms," firm and 
true. And before my God, I say, if you under- 
took to take forcible possession of the soil of my 
State, whether it was the act of the parent Gtovem- 



ment or not, you should do it over my dead body, 
or I would drive your soldiers from the field. But 
all such dangers must be avoided; and avoided by 
the passage of this bill. The people demand this 
settlement — the voice of the public press demands 
it. The peace and harmony of the country must 
be restored. 

But, Mr. Speaker, a gentleman this morning, in 
private conversation, asked me where I got the 
power under the Constitution to make this arrange- 
ment with Texas To this inquiry i would an- 
swer, that the Government is in the habit almost 
every year of purchasing lots for custom-houses 
and fortifications, and for every public building or 
public work. But this question I do not intend to 
argue. The power to settle these disputes in rela- 
tion to boundary has been exercised so' repeatedly, 
and appropriations from he Treasury have been 
made for very similar objects so often, that I shall 
not now stop to inquire into the constitutional au- 
thority. You only propose by this bill to reduce 
her boundaries; in consideration of which the 
Government of the United States obligates herself 
io pay to Texas a certain sum of money. But, 
sir, if you do not pass this bill, what do you pro-, 
pose to do? Do you piopose, after nine months 
angry and excited discussion, to go home to your 
constituents and tell them you have done nothing.' 
That your stubborn, uncompromtsing will could 
not be suited in the precise boundary ? Or will you 
tell them that you preferred to keep this question 
of sectional agitation open ? — that you preferred to 
iel discord reign forever.' It is an easy matter, 
Mr. Speaker, to pull down, to find fault, to com- 
plain; but it is much more difficult in legislation to 
build up than to destroy. Then, Mr. Speaker, if 
the two extreme opinions in this House can, by 
combining their discordant materials together, de- 
stroy and defeat this bill, in the language of the 
President, there is no telling " the evil or the end." 

But 1 hear that soothing word, " there is no dan- 
ger." Here I must adopt the language of my 
esteemed friend from Michigan, [Mr. Buel,] in his 
oration before the Alumni of Middlebury College, 
Vermont, upon the occasion of their late semi- 
centennial celebration: 

" Yet we cannot ."liut our eyes to the fact that excilcmoiit 
and ajjitation have brought us near to a dreadful extremity 
in our affairs, and the good, the wise, the patriotic men of 
all parties are solemnly called on to stand up and arrest the 
ominous course of events ere we shall have passed the Ibe- 
rus of our safety. Br not deceived. It isasyren voice wi)ich 
tells us there is no danger. Is there no danger, when Stales 
begin to think of forming leagues for the overthrow of the 
Government.' No danger, when treason can be safely plot- 
ted in the street and in our legislative halls? No danger, 
when the American people can look complacently upon the 
horrors of a threatening civil war that, has no end to human 
view.-" No danger, when the wlieels of Government have 
been almost stopped? Will there be no danger when Amer- 
ican mothers, from real or imaginary wrongs, shall teach 
their children to Aa/c the American Union, ami lisp famil- 
iarly that terrible word "dissolution!" If such a future 
must come, let us not mar the happy and glorious present 
with its direful anticipation. Let us not hasten that period 
when we can no longer claim protection under such words 
as these: 'I am an American ciliaen.' Letusde?iielo hold 
no prophetic wand which shall enable us so far to elevate 
ourselves above the hopes and sympathies of our fellow-cit- 
izens that we cannot rejoice with them over the present 
greatness of our country. Let us seek for no prophet's 
power, whi(!h shall enable us iclift the veil of the dark and 
mysterious future, thai we may e.\pose to our own startled 
vision the American Kepublic in fragments. For myself, I 
will hug no internal :-pirit, which, in its fitful wandering--, 
shall conduct me down, down, down to the grave of repub- 
lican freedom, there to behold ihe buried aslies of my coun- 
try. 

" Who would preserve this brotherhood of States, must 
liimself practice the spirit of brotherhood. Who would 



transmit to his children the glorious legacy of his forefathers, 
must .^wear by their blood, their .sufferings, and by the spir- 
its of the illustrious dead, to delond it against all assaults. 
Who would preserve the Constitution, as the grealfiaternal 
compact which binds these Stales together, and has already 
elevated us to the highest point of national happiness and 
renown, must swear to stand by it in iis lerms and spirit, 
and resist to the last that domestic fanaticism which now 
threatens its violation and overthrow. We have thus far con- 
quered every foieign foe, but we have now to conquer our- 
selves — our ownfratriciilal artns. 

" Let us never forget that the American Union was bom 
by fraternity, and it must live by fiaternity, or peiisli by dis- 
cord, civil war, and DISSOLUTION." 

You cannot dissolve this Union in a month, in 
two months, in two years, or in five; but you can 
continue this sectional agitation and sectional strife 
until you will have alienated the affections of the 
North from the South— that instead of meeting 
upon this floor as friends and brethren of a com- 
mon country, you will meet here as enemies. This 
sectional animosity has already gone so far as 
nearly to destroy the cordiality and respect that 
we should feel one for another. 

Mr. Speaker, I want to see if the Whig party 
are going to sustain their President— I want to see 
f they are going to respect his warning voice. If 
hev do, we imay. yet have peace. 
- Sir, for the second time during this session of 
Congress we have had thrust upon us by the same 
individual, the so-called Wilmot proviso. 1 am 
ready to meet it. The honorable gentleman from 
"hio [Mr. Root] says that he wants the yeas and 
lys called on his proviso, that he " may smoke 
it the doughfaces." 

^Sir, lam ready to meet this question, either now 
oWhereafter. I have only one desire on the subject, 
and that is, that this wicked torch of discord shall 
be put to rest forever. I have said before to my 
constituents, and 1 now repeat, that the Wilmot 
proviso was " conceived in sin and brought forth 
in iniquity," It was offered to a bill to raise money 
to purchase bread, and meat, and clothing and sup- 
plies for the army in Mexico. It was intendeil, 
also, to prevent the acquisition of territory. If it 
had passed both the legislative branches of the 
Government, we never could have obtained indem- 
nity for our losses in carrying on the war; and 
California, now, wo.uld have been a province of 
Mexico, or an i'dfependent Republic. It would 
have prevented «tlfe ratification of any treaty by 
which our Government would have acquired ter- 
ritory. If it had passed into a law, it would have 
prolonged the war — it would have withheld the 
soldiers' meat and bread. This is no fancy pic- 
ture; it is plain truth universally known. Then, 
sir, its beginning was wicked and unpatriotic. Its 
race has been mischievous— it has spread discord 
in its track, and its end will be infamous. 

My doctrine is, to trust the people with political 
power; and I say that the politician or public ser- 
vant who refuses to trijst the people, is unfit and 
unworthy to be trusted himself. The people of 
these Territories know as well what is most condu- 
' civc to their welfare as does this Congress; they 
j have the evil to bear, and not ve, if they impose it. 
; upon themselves. They possess quite as much 
ffood, hard, cominon sense, as we do; they have 
' that kind of " horse sense,'' (if I may be allowed 
to use a western term,) that has but few woi-ds, 
; but they to the point. I .say, sir, / amfor Iruslifig 
I the people with all those political questions, and i 
j hold no political coinmunion with any parly, or 
1 set of m.en, who propose to wrest power from the 
[j hands of the people, to be exercised by any legis- 
l! lative body on earth. These peculiar champions 



8 



of freedom set up their will as the best rule of ac- 
tion for the people of the Territories. Your Free- 
Soil Abolitionists are free to trust the people with 
the power to regulate the relations between hus- 
band and wife, parent and child, guardian and 
ward, but they are ready to involve the whole na- 
tion in civil war, if the people desire to be permit- 



feels disposed to apply this epithet to me, with a 
view of throwing reproach upon my integrity, the 
heart that conceives, and the tongue that utters it, 
is cowardly beyond the reach of redemption. And 
let him who uses it wear this remark in his pocket; 
until he feels disposed to resent it. But, Mr. 
Speaker, I have sought this opportunity of placing 



ted to regulnte the further domestic relation of j this matter where it deserves to be placed, and 
master and servant. But the fact that Abolitionists I where it must rest, so far as I am concerned. I 
refuse to trmt the people tcitli this political poicer, evi- Luag no language toward any gentleman that I am 
dences to my mind that they have some ulterior i noH*sponsible for, and if I unjustly wound the 
design, and are unsafe repositories of power them- ii feelings of any man, I am ever ready to make the 
selves. I will not trust any politician who refuses || most ample apology. 



to trust my constituents, or who refuses to trust 
the welfare of any community of Americans in 
their own hands. I say then, my motto is now 
and forever, trust the people with the power 

TO GOVERN THEMSELVES IN THEIR OWN WAY. I then 

repeat to my politii'al friends, plant yourselves on 
this is.sue, and don't let Free-Soil Abolition agita- 
tors dodge the issue. Make them affirm or deny 
the capacity of the people for self-government. I 
say, sir, there is no other issue in the yhole prin- 
~ ciple of the Wilmot proviso, but this one. Poli- 
ticians must either say they v'ill, or they will 
trust the people, and my word for it, the man w 
says he trill not trust them is a doomed man, poll 
caily. Truth and right, and republican principle! 
must and will prevail. And, sir, the Represen 
live who fears that he cannot satisfy his constitue, 
of the trinh and right, either doubts their honwy 
or hi.<i capacity. I think I know something oflne 
feelings and sympathies of the people. I 
them — I am one of them — I have trusted 
They will do right, if they know what the rigm is. 

The doctrine that the people cannot be Iruslid, 
IS the doctrine of despotism and monarchy. It was 
adopted by the high-toned Federalists at the origin 
of our Government, and it is at war with the great 
principles of Democracy. 

Mr. GIDDINGS. Will the. gentleman allow 
me to inquire whether, when he speaks of trusting 
the people, he means people of all complexions? 

Mr. GORMAN. I mean white n^Rr* Thegentle- 
man from Ohio [Mr. Root] speiiks of " dough- 
faces.'' I SUPPOSE he doe^yiot inietwl this remark 
to appl y to me personally. 1L\1 propose to inquire 



Sir, I have reviewed briefly the ground upon 
which this bill rests. I have shown the difficulties 
in the way of its settlement. 

In conclu.'^ion, I wish to say to my friends, 
Democrats and Whigs, and especially gentlemen 
from the northwestern States, We know our con- 
stituents are not blinded by prejudice or passion — 
we know the great stake they have in this Union 
— we know they want these vexed questions of 
territory and slavery settled. They love peace - 
and concord, and, although no one section of Lliii$ 
bill may please us fully, yet we can afford to cotrS 
promise, in a spirit of patriotism, for the restora- 
tion of quiet and harmony. This I believe is what 
our people require and demand of us; and 1 am 
deceived if they will be satisfied with less. 

NOTE. 
Since the foregoing remarks were made in the 
House, the following letter from Governor Q,uit- 
man, of Mississippi, has been received, and will 
show the excited state of public feeling in the 
South, in relation to this Texas boundary: 

From thr Mj>sis£ippiau. 
(iovernoT Q,uUmanU imsUion in regard tj the t/ireatcnin^ al- 
tUude astumea hy the PreMcnt tou-urds Texas. 

.Iacks.in, .^uji/*/ 18, 1850. 
li Mv i>KAK Sir: Vour iioic of yp,«ter(lay, calling my alteu 
:j tiontn till! comments of itie J'i"c*«tiirg JKAi« upon an arti- 
l| Ucle in the Sentinel of Thiirxdav las'., was received late la.st 
1| iiiglit. 

I 1 lind iiotliiug in your iirticle to Justify the comments of 
[ til'; ir/ii;, especially after the Miitiaippian, nf the 19ili 
j July had defined my position upon this subject. I therefore 
I see no reason to avail my^lf of your kind and obliging offer 
I to deny tnal you i^pokc by authority fioin mc. Desiring no 
,....,....,>, vv. ...v,..,.,. 'conreaUiieni, I have no objection Ui it ittihould be known 
what this word means. If ilsiinleiidcd to mean a *''''" ' behev.. the title of Texas lo Uie territory claimed by 



S^rit 
, tnen 



person who wears a false face, tHen I understand it 
If it is intended to mean one wlm carries a face 
before and behind, then I untler.-«iand it. But the 
gentleman lould not have intended, of couT*e, to 
apply it to mc. I suppose it was a mere ad cap- 
tandum expression. But if it is now or hereafter 
intended to apply to me, in any offensive sense, 
either to impugn my character as a man, or my 
integrity as a politician, it comes from the heart of 
a coward. Sii", I mean what I BHy. This epithet 
has gone the lounds of the press, and in and out 
of thi.H House. 1 understand it to be used as an 
epithet of (lisrcpute; therefore, when any member 



v^^ 



heron this nidr. of llii Kio Grande to be indisputable; Ih.ii 
(he forcible seizure o! any pan of thi« lerritoiy hy the na- 
tional K.iceeutive would be a wanton act of despotism, which 
should be sternly resisted by Te.\as; thai, as the evident 
purpose of this movement i.- to convert a portion of her ter- 
rilory to free soil, the couthcrn .States should make common 
cause with Te.vas; and th.-vi, in the event of a collision of 
arms, or greiit danger thereof, I would deem it my duty to 
convene the Lesislature of this State, and recommend to 
them the adoption of prompt and eiticient measures ici uid 
our iiister Slate in ilie iiiaiiitenance of her clear rights against 
t'edernl u^iurpation. Nor have I a doubt that, ia so doing, I 
shall coiiforiii to the will of tlie i;reat masj of the people of 
this State. 

I remain, very respectfully, your friend and obedient ser 
vant, J. A. aUITMAN. 

F. C. Jongs, Esq., Blitor of tlu P'ickslmn Sentinel. 



Frinted at the ('onKrexaional Ulobe Office. 




